When I received the candid photos of President George W. Bush during the Olympic Games in China, I could only speculate as to there origin. The series of pictures have controversy written all over them, as there is not much left to the imagination. The first picture, a portrait of Vice President Cheney was followed by a shot of President Bush sitting by himself in what looks to be an isolated area in a stadium. He is admiring a glass filled with a dark substance resembling beer. The final picture shows a person being carried out of packed stadium apparently highly animated, resembling the president. Two photos positioned just before the final shot shows two women that appeared to be the First Lady and one of her daughters, with curious expressions as the President gestures to and apparently entertained crowd with his right hand that everything is A-OK…
The pictures remained among my files when Black Politics 2.0 was released and my intention was that the photos remain there. Although I suspect that the sender of the pictures anticipated that I would
make them public in a politically provocative treatment during the president’s re-election, but I wasn’t taking the bait. While I became more disillusioned with the political trajectory of the Republican Party in particular and party politics in general, I was aware that the fundamental problem with the GOP trajectory was directly related to the advances of the party’s social-conservative wing. In recent years I found it necessary to emphasize in the context of my activism the political point that “black conservatives don’t speak for black Republicans.” Of course this message fell largely to deaf ears. Now that the political dysfunction within the Republican Party has facilitated the political advent of Donald Trump as the presumptive GOP presidential nomination, we can contain it no longer.
From the late 1980s African and Hispanic American stalwart Republican constituents left the party because the mainstream acquiesced to the social-conservative wing of the party. Moreover, the strange political bedfellow politics in New York in particular was insidious and compromised local country GOP leadership severely. Therefore, at this point we will let the political chips fall where they may as we decided to write a no holes bared sequel entitled “Black Republican Confession.”
The generation between 1960 and 1980 in the United States of America was one of the most tumultuous in the history of the Republic, in terms of domestic upheavals, rebellions, riots and violence. Impetus of the emerging social and political revolution was what become popularly known as the civil rights movement, which was complicated by the youthful black consciousness and student movement and on its heels came the. What became the civil rights movement was a southern based coalition of Christian clergy and not-for-profit organizations that resisted by way of non-violent tactics the impose segregation and Jim Crow laws, lynching of “Negroes.” and Race based hatred, bigotry and violence against the African American community particularly on southern states was epidemic.
Many argue that the murder of Emmitt Till, the church booming Birmingham that killed 3 children, and the 1954 Supreme Court, Brown vs. Bd. of Ed. decision, outlawing separate but equal education, among other stimuli put the social and political movement in motion… Be that as it may, the southern African American inspired social resistance generated a groundswell of support in north with people and organizations traveling south to support the resistance and the non-violent activism. In Harlem, New York City for example members of the New Lafayette Group, linked up with the Free Southern Theater initiative and CORE (Congress of Racial Equality) regularly sponsored business to join the manifold efforts to integrate public accommodations, boycott, sit-in, demonstrate and march.
Support for the growing civil rights movement was exponential and Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and his organization Southern Christian Leadership Conference ultimately emerged and the unequivocal titular head of the movement by way of his persona and organization. The non-violent tactics and discipline of the civil rights movement ultimately exposed the wanton indiscriminant violence, bigotry, discrimination and racism on the part of southern officials was exposed on daily TV news reports. The general public at large bore witness to ruthless brutality with water hoses and dogs attacking peaceful demonstrators. The abuse and violence was seen as systematic and structured and the spectacle turned the general public against the tactics of police and elected authorities. The groundswell of public support translated into many social-political victories, not the least of which the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Act of 1964 and 1965 respectively.
Prior to the exposure of official abuses and violence, civil rights advocates” were perceived and portrayed as public pariahs by the media and public officials. “Responsible” Negro leaders were admonished by white political leaders and media to publically denounce and decry statements made by black militants, political agitators and communist activists. The “responsible Negros” generally complied and a political juxtaposition began to develop between the civil rights activists and the emerging youthful black political consciousness movement. This student and community based contingent of young adults included “black power” advocates, African cultural nationalists, political leftists, socialists and communist revolutionaries.
There was a growing political and social dichotomy between the civil rights orthodoxy and the student and community based youth movement. The distance between the senior civil rights movement and the junior “black power” movement widened because of the number of reasons, not the least of which was the issue of the non-violent doctrine. Student and community based organizations at the end of the day rejected non-violence protests, boycotts and demonstrations were rejected as the only strategy for gaining justice and equality in America. Organizations such as SNCC, Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), and the Weather Men, were at the forefront of the strategic split between the older civil rights contingent and the younger “black power” movement contingents. SNCC in fact broke-off an advocated armed struggle by any means necessary. Both SNCC chairmen, S. Carmichael (Kwame Torre) and H. R. Brown Abdul Alamin respectively, became revolutionary advocates of armed struggle, and African Liberation.
The term “generation gap” became vogue during this dynamic period in the 1960 and 1970s as a means to characterize in internal political dynamic in the black community between the ruling bulls and emerging bucks. A common analysis was offered in the context of the organic dimension that occurs in the natural world between ruling bulls and emerging bucks. The outcome of the bulls and bucks juxtaposition is not what generally occurs in nature however; the ruling bulls were beneficiaries perhaps unwittingly, because the young bucks were decimated by official and unofficial covert and unconventional war by special operations such as COINTELPRO.
Both political parties Democrats and Republicans were reacting to the civil rights and black conscious movements based on the changing political and social facts on the ground. The political parties and powers that be, were behind the political eight-ball as conventional social-political calculations were utterly irrelevant. Apart from the reality of daily life in the inner cities and urban centers in the context of the war on drugs paradox, inadequate education, housing, employment, poor health services, racial profiling, etc. the Democrat and Republican Parties were making political unprecedented adjustments to address the dynamic political energy animating the black American community.
President Lyndon Johnson may have set an appropriate tone by Commissioning Otto Kerner to study the proliferation and causes of the civil disorders (riots and rebellions), that characterized many black American communities. Watts, Chicago, Detroit, Washington, New York, New Jersey among others black communities were on fire as the result these racially reactionary incidences. The Kerner Commission report was issued in 1967 and it concluded that there were two different America’s one white and the other black. And the report offered recommendations for addressing the issues outlined to avoid widening the gap going forward.
At the political party level adjustments were made in order to modulate the apparent social and political changes on the ground. Coupled with the agility of municipal government particularly in New York City under Mayor Linsey for example, there emerged a high-level of political sophistication, cooptation, subversion, political destabilization, and down field political interference techniques by political parties and government officials of an extraordinary nature. The obvious political objective was to destabilize the black militants and communist revolutionary by conventional and unconventional means on one hand, infiltrate, coopt and instigate internal dissention on the other.
The newly consummated marriage between the Democrat Party and the black civil rights leadership orthodoxy positioned the party for a leading role in modulating the social-political changes to dovetail into a palatable political status quo. At the national government level the war on poverty under the auspices of the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), the NYC Council Against Poverty (CAP), and the Community Development Agency (CDA), financed what became an infamous initiative known as the “Anti-Poverty” Program. Grant funds for a variety of community based social programs, and special youth development programs to engage youth in the planning, development and implementation of relevant programs, was highly touted.
The mystic of the Anti-poverty Program began to unravel in the late 1960s with the financial scandal of the Harlem anti-poverty program known as HarYouAct… That was the first domino to fall in New York City and each of the five boroughs enjoyed their 15 minutes of infamy, as anti-poverty agencies experienced similar financial malfeasance problems. Ultimately the financial and political scandal cast a shadow over the NYC Democrat Party because a programmatic audit revealed that the poverty program was a virtual patronage mill for the prevailing hegemonic political continent in the respective boroughs. Although exposed as a political sham with millions of dollars unaccounted for the news ultimately faded from the media. However, all hands were on deck to rid the public of the primary problem, vis-à-vis, “black power” militants and communist revolutionaries burning down communities and terrorizing responsible citizens.
The marriage of political convenience between the Democrat Party and the civil rights leadership orthodoxy was obvious in some quarters, but the relationship remained unofficially in place because that is how electoral politics and power relationships operate on the ground. The antipoverty program was stripped to the bone in terms of future financial appropriations, but the remnant patronage apparatus continued in target areas. Outside of the civil rights political orbit and “responsible Negro” employment opportunities you run may run the risk of being targeted or racially profile and thereby get a bad brake. A bad break might occur because of the drug epidemic in the community. The level of criminal and anti-social behavior is well documented in black American communities, and experience demonstrates that any excuse will do.
The storied successes of the civil rights movement are legendary but much of the popular civil rights historical accounts and narrative in some instances are very romantic. Along these lines there are various perspectives as to who are the real victors and beneficiaries of the civil rights successes. A persuasive argument can be made that the ultimate victor of the civil rights movement was the progress/liberal wing of the Democrat Party singularly. The success of the civil rights movement was achieved by liberals / progressives because they defeated and replaced the social-conservative Democrat ruling political clique. The triumphant of the progressive/liberal wing of the party over generations of social-conservative rule was the ultimate political prize. The social-conservative leadership was defeated unequivocally but they regrouped in order to impose their social-conservative agenda on the Republican Party.
The African American community was the beneficiaries on paper of the Civil Rights Act, Voting Rights Act, integration of public accommodation, fair housing laws, equal employment, etc. Unfortunately, white women and other political “minorities” constitute the primary beneficiaries of the successes associated with the civil rights movement. Often blacks are accused of reverse discrimination when seeking civil rights enforcement under affirmative action laws and other enforcement statues. The data shows that civil rights and voting rights laws have been substantially rolled back, and schools, neighborhoods, and communities are increasingly becoming segregated. And there are apparently no political and social remediation initiatives on the horizon.
The progressive and liberal wing of the Democrat Party remains in control of the party therefore they remain unchallenged victors of the civil rights movement delivered control of the party to them as the blue dog Democrats remain utterly defeated. Moreover, the civil rights leadership orthodoxy elected and unelected operates in the informal sector as partisan mascots. It is a foregone conclusion that when civil rights organizations such as the NAACP, National Action Network, Urban League, just to name a few only reference the Republican Party in partisan political terms with quick political jab or a fleeting political backhand…
Perhaps the most glaring conjunction between the Democrat Party, black election officials and civil rights orthodoxy is the politically correct jargon “people of color” or ethnic / political minorities which replaced term “black people.” As a practical political matter, since the progressive wing took control of the national party, the marriage of political convenience between the party and conventional black leadership was politically consummated. Subsequently, the black community at large inherited the civil rights political leadership paradigm. Over the decades there has been much speculation as to whether the popular black leadership could in fact deliver black votes at the end of the day. Speculation about their capacity to deliver continued of the decades because the black political leadership have been primarily used for political cameos and media spots and were never required to substantially deliver hard votes.
However, the political advent of Presidential nominee Senator Barack Obama in 2008 proved the weakness of black elected officials and civil rights leadership. Virtually every black elected official and virtually all of the civil rights leadership were vociferous and verbose supporters of Hillary Clinton over Obama, for the Democrat Party Presidential nomination. It was a well-known fact that he (Obama) did not “kiss” the ring of any of the black political leaders being touted. Senator Obama was politically astute enough to realize that he should target and appeal to directly to white Democrat Party leaders of consequence, and did not solicit the political support of any black political leader. Subsequent to Obama gaining the party designation all of the black elected officials and civil rights orthodoxy boarded the Obama political train to victory. The freshman Senator navigated several political bobby-traps with great skill and political insight. Hence Obama was free to put a few black political gatekeepers in place in order to run downfield political interference as the need will arise. But the black political leadership orthodoxy had no quarter with President Obama…
The social and political momentum of the civil rights movement ended in the early 1970s, and at the end of the decade the grassroots movement was history. The 1980s in the African American community began on the social and political ashes of the civil rights movement, and the remains of many young adults and community based organizations. Myriad of reverse discrimination cases were upheld significantly minimizing the extent to which affirmative action statues could remediate past patterns of racial discrimination and bigotry. Civil Rights and Voting Rights laws were beginning to be rolled back by way of local political and electoral successes that the growing influence that social-conservatives were gaining on the ground in the north, as well as the south.
A compelling argument can be made that substantial social-political change has occurred despite obvious setback on the ground. Concomitantly it can’t be denied that much of the change amounts to a modulation of the same political, social and economic constricts, but with a more sophisticated and sublime application. Hence, the more things change, the more they remain the same… But political memory of the general public is short and larger forces, have a thorough political, social, economic understanding of the pressing imperatives associated with daily living. Different job and employment opportunities become available, styles change new music and entertainment genre emerges and a more nuanced and complex iteration of the same philosophical and cultural imperialism beings to take form in a slightly modulated popular motif. And the beat seems to go on and on…
The controlling political advantage gained by the progressive / liberal wing of the Democrat Party of the traditional social-conservative “blue dog” Democrats remains from then until currently. During the process the Democrat Party and the black American community at large, black elected officials and civil leaders in particular became best political friends. The political friendship between the Democrat Party and black community following the modern civil rights movement was in fact a political reversal of the black community during the 19th and first half of the 20th century. Without question the Democrat and Republican Parties seem to be playing a game of political musical chairs… It is well documented that during the emancipation and period of Reconstruction, the majority of black voters were registered in the Republican Party. As a political matter of fact, Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. was a card holding member of the Republican Party until he changed party’s following the signing of the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts by President Johnson. On contrary, Rev. King senior remained in the Republican Party and so did Martin King Jr.’s best friend and political confidant Ralph David Abernathy. President Lyndon Johnson, following his signing of the voting rights legislation predicted that the Democrat Party would lose the south for 40 years in the wake of the Bills success.
Since the advent of the civil rights movement the Democrat Party enjoyed a major numerical advantage among the African American community. However, the movement of the African American community toward the Democrat Party reportedly began with President Roosevelt’s employment initiative during WWII and the subsequent New Deal, which set the economy in motion. But the civil rights movement of the 1960s and 70s, and the anti-Viet Nam resistance, added youthful white, black and minority voters in general joined new liberal / progressive Democrat Party. Needless to say, the jury has not yet returned a verdict on how well the party has served its oldest and strongest supporters of all political “minority” communities.
As early as 1964 Republican Party social-conservative wing established itself nationally in the context of the failed Presidential campaign of Senator Barry Goldwater. The neo-social-conservative wing of the GOP enjoyed steady growth as the Republican Party establishment tolerated and acquiesced to some of the racial bigotry, and other social-political machinations on their agenda. By1988, the religious right (social-conservatives) emerged on the national scene, and they politically crystalized the advent of the “moral majority” and the charismatic Rev. Jerry Farwell was among the perceived leaders of the “Christian right”.
The so-called Christian-right ultimately emerged as the driving force of the social-conservative agenda and effectively changed the GOP brand from its former “diverse” “eclectic” “radical” and progressive political disposition to social-conservative. There is currently a political civil war underway in the Republican Party that will likely be exacerbated during the course of the 2018 presidential election, and it is a foregone conclusion that the outcome of the election will certain not put an end the unfolding internal dynamic within the party. But likewise, the Democrat Party is also in the process of an internal political catharsis by way of the liberal / progressive Sanders component. Since the advent of the centrist political leadership in the party engineered by the National Democrat Leadership Conference (NDLC), and former President Clinton, the liberal / progressive base of the Democrat Party coalition has been on the sidelines. During both the Clinton and Obama presidency (both centrist administrations), the liberal / progressive base of the party will be reckoned somehow, at the end of the day.
What will the black vote do following the 2016 presidential election and beyond is a legitimate and pressing question going forward…
Since its advent in 1854 as an anti-slavery political party, the Republican Party has experienced a profound political metamorphosis, the essence of which some argue was the political compromise following the presidential election of 1876. When the election of 1876 didn’t produce a winner between the Democrat and Republican candidates, a political compromise give the victory to the Republican candidate, Rutherford Hayes. The caveat associated with the political compromise establishing the Republican Party victory was that President Hayes would end the period of “Reconstruction.” The period of Reconstruction wherein federal troops were deployed in order to protect the civil rights of African Americans, provided by the Emancipation Proclamation (1865), lasted just beyond 10 years.
After federal troops were recalled, utter barbarity, violence and acts of terrorism were visited on the African American community. The odious acts of man’s inhumanity to man that ensued actualized in horrific ways that African Americans were less than human, and therefore should be treated as property and beasts of burden. Black Codes, Jim Crow laws, segregation of the “races” was vigorously and violently enforced. These egregious acts of murder, lynching, and wanton violence were enforced by way of formal and informal means. The egregious acts began to curtail following the advent of the modern civil rights movement in the middle of the 1950’s. The civil rights movement flourished during the 1960s but, a compelling argument can be made that the storied civil rights movement ended as early as 1975. However, whether you subscribe to the thesis or not, one cannot deny that the modern civil rights movement ended prior to the 21st century.
Currently, the African American community is perceived by many black, whites, and other political minorities as having achieved success and power, by way of the political advent of President Barack Obama. In the wake of President Obama’s election in 2008, perceptions of American social and political advances became illusory as the idea that America was becoming “race neutral” had a brief 15 minutes of fame. As the first African American president is about to leave office, realistic conclusions and analysis can be drawn relative to the social and political advances of the black community at large from emancipation to date, by way of 20/20 hindsight vision and the wisdom of history. Briefly stated, despite the victorious history of social / political achievements of black Americans during the 19th, 20th and 21st centuries, the current facts on the ground provide testimony that the relative conditions that plague the community has been modulated but not substantively changed. Accordingly, equity and equality remains elusive if not an illusory as a practical matter, and is not compatible with the popular public imagination.
In addition to the structural, institutional and systematic challenges that continue to undermined sustained, social, economic and political progress in America’s oldest, and arguably the most numerous political minority. The contemporary black community itself has not generated the quality of citizen responsibility and political leadership to be competitive with other political minorities in terms of political and economic leverage. As a consequence of poor leadership there is apparently no political strategy being articulated by the political leadership, elected and unelected. Moreover, the civil rights leadership orthodoxy is preoccupied with issues associated with “social justice” and financial survival issues. While the pursuit of social justice is both laudable and honorable, it is not relevant to the 21st political, economic needs of the African American community.
While it is not difficult to highlight the shortcomings associated of the civil rights movement led by the liberal / progressive wing of the Democrat Party as well as African American leadership elected and unelected; the black Republican leadership shares responsibility with their Democrat political counterpart for the political and economic state of black America, at the end of the day…
The author of “Black Republican Confession” offers political observations from the perspective of an expert witness and prominent leader of the grassroots activist wing of the Republican Party. Gary James, was initially approached by staff members of Senate Majority Leader Warren Anderson of New York following his management of the campaign of Joseph Holland, Harlem based attorney and entrepreneur, for State Senate in 1985. Although Holland was defeated by David Patterson, the son of Basil Patterson a former Lt. Governor, and prominent member of the Harlem political machine, he (Holland) was appointed as General Council to an important Senatorial Committee. Concomitantly, James was introduced to officials of the New York State Republican Committee by way of staff members of the Senate Majority Leader, Tom Slater and Steve Rice, and James was invited to develop a document in order to recruit African Americans in to party. Accordingly, James authored the New York State Black Republican Task Force that was ultimately endorsed by the chairman of the state party as an outreach initiative to African Americans.
In addition, to his contribution to outreach efforts by the state GOP, James and his organization was recruited by the Reagan-Bush Reelection Committee, to coordinate a bi-partisan state-wide initiative under the leadership of Roger Stone Jr. Eastern Regional Campaign Director. Reagan’s reelection campaign carried New York State, which was the first time the Republican Party carried the state since the 1920’s with President Calvin Coolidge. During the GOP gubernatorial campaign of 1986, James was tapped as the state coordinator for candidate Andrew O’Rourke the Westchester County Executive. The campaign had an ignominious ending which included a major increase of prison construction projects in upstate New York, and Andrew O’Rourke was ultimately appointed to the NYS Supreme Court. When Congressman Jack Kemp in 1988 sought the party’s presidential nod Gary James was recruited as a delegate from Harlem New York.
In addition to being a role player of consequence in GOP presidential and gubernatorial election politics, James enjoys the distinction of having managed about 15 plus Black and Hispanic Republican candidates for City Council, NYS Assembly & Senate, and the House of Representatives. His colorful political career in the Republican Party began in 1980, wherein he organized a viable grassroots political initiative that attracted attention from county, state, and national Republican Party officials. James bought to his GOP grassroots initiative the organizing, strategic planning, and community political applications to the table that positioned Gary as a constructive factor for achieving outreach in the black American community.
During the civil rights and black power period Gary was a staff organizer in NYC for the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO) beginning in 1966. According to James, “the civil rights movement was effectively concluded by 1973, and by 1975 the civil rights leadership orthodoxy began to be viewed by the political powers that be, as “responsible Negroes” while black power advocates, “militants” etc. were eliminated by all means possible.” The history of covert operations are legendary during this tumultuous and COINTELPRO is among them.
James observes, “between 1975 and 1980 civil rights activism and the movement was thoroughly compromised under the umbrella of the responsible civil rights leadership archetype, vis-à-vis, NAACP, Urban League, among others. Black militancy and organic community activism was modulated, if not eliminated by the covert operations. Accordingly, the civil rights leadership orthodoxy developed a symbiotic relation with the Democrat Party, where it currently remains.” The ignominious end of the civil rights movement involved sublime transitions for example, civil rights transitioned from a social movement to focusing on elective office by way of the politics of the Democrat Party. Hence, the civil rights / Democrat Party electoral political paradigm began to intrigue and inform black leadership. At the end of the day, political ambitions eclipsed direct action social change strategies. Black social and political leadership became fascinated with opportunities associated with electoral politics, careers as elected officials and leaders of civil rights not-for-profit organizations. Therefore, the abounding needs of the black community at large were overshadowed by the growing fascination that black social leadership developed with Democrat electoral politics. Convinced that the black political mind under the umbrella of the Democrat Party coalition, could not explore beyond their partisan political disposition, James among other political organizers and activists foreclosed on the trajectory of black Democrat Party leadership and conventional black political leadership, and the party.
In 1980 Gary James was among a cadre of veteran grassroots political organizers resolved to promote a bi-partisan political strategy in political party primary elections, and a multi-party strategy in the general election. The process began with the infiltration of the Republican Party in NYC to impact the district leader infrastructure on one hand, and promote the need for maximum feasible participation of the community at large in the 2 Parties primary elections. 2008 was the culmination of Gary’s colorful career as a leader of consequence of the grassroots activist wing of the Republican Party. James was the co-founded a Democrat and Republican coalition to elect Senator Barack Obama. He is chairman emeritus of the coalition, and remains on the executive board of several voter education and application organizations.
Gary has stepped back as a leader and central player of the activist wing of the GOP in New York, but remains in the information loop. He continues to be encouraged to share his hands-on unique political perspective particularly as it relates to African American contemporary political activism in the electoral process. “Black Republican Confession” is Gary James’ perspective and hands-on account of the politics, prior to, during, and in the wake of the storied civil rights era and election of President Barack Obama…
A well placed leader of the grassroots activist wing of the Republican Party has seized on the idea that “Trump does not have the disposition, temperament and depth of intellectual thought necessary to negotiate domestic and international challenges facing the USA on a daily basis.” Gary James has broadened his undertaking of revealing internal racial, social and political under currents in the New York GOP, in his soon to be released book, “Black Republican Confession.” James said, “The Trump candidacy offers a constructive opportunity to renew an outdated party of President Lincoln. An anti-Trump political initiative can shed light on various political shortcomings associated with the bygone GOP.
The Grand Old Party had a strong contingent of African American and Hispanic Republicans in the New York metropolitan area during the 1980s that dramatically declined in proportion with the growth of the social-conservative wing of the party. James is a longtime political player from the grassroots to the highest levels of elective politics in New York’s GOP circles. He has managed the campaign of many local candidates for city, state and federal offices between the 1980s, and 2008.
On April 20, 1984 the re-election campaign of Reagan-Bush, wrote Gary James over the signature of Roger Stone Jr., Eastern Regional Campaign Director, stating,
“I have received word from the White House of your interest in helping the president’s reelection. We appreciate your generous offer of support.
We are building a strong organization in your state and would like to see your group involved. I have taken the liberty of passing your qualification on to our Executive Director in New York, Mr. Charles Gargano.”
James and his organization Voters Anonymous ran the “black desk” in New York State, and they made unique contributions to President Reagan carrying New York State, in the general election. He authored the Black Republican Task Force minority outreach plan under the auspicious of the New York Republican State Committee, in 1985.
James was state coordinator for the GOP Gubernatorial candidate in 1986, Justice Andrew O’Rourke, served as the Harlem delegate for Congressman Jack Kemp during his 1988 bid for the Republican Party’s presidential nomination. James has experienced all levels of party as well as community politics from which to draw on in the book.
James begins to disclose the political bowels and nefarious machinations in electoral political party politics in his no holds barred, soon to be released book, “Black Republican Confession.” But during an extensive interview with a Virgin Islands based Internet streaming publisher Ras Soup, James discusses the Donald Trump political phenomenon and points to a malignant political ambivalence throughout the social-political undercurrent of the GOP. He concludes that the political acquaintance of the party “establishment” and blind eye given to patent bigotry and racism ultimately facilitated the Trump phenomenon that turned a political juggernaut…
During the comprehensive interview with Ras Soup, James explains why he has positioned his election initiative in the framework of “anti-Trump” as opposed to “pro-Hillary” in his interesting political perspective. But, James is unequivocal about the decline of the social-conservative movement in the Republican Party based on the emerging demographic in America. Accordingly, as the browning of America occurs, the social-conservative political ideology will become less influential therefore the Republican Party’s philosophical as well as political thrust will necessarily undergo radical political surgery.
James said, “We want to be in front of the political curve when Trump, and the social conservative wing of the Republican Party bomb out respectively. Interestingly enough, the Trump political juggernaut is timely as his candidacy will likely crash and burn, while the GOP will require a rebirth for the ashes. Politically resurrecting the ashes and dried bones is a political growth opportunity for the Republican Party. It may be an emerging market going forward.”
Portions of Gary James’ extensive interview will be published on various media platforms throughout this presidential election season.